Economy Of The Comoros

The economy of the Comoros is predominantly anchored in subsistence agriculture and fishing, which together form the backbone of the nation’s limited economic activity. This reliance reflects the relatively underdeveloped state of industrial and commercial sectors within the country, where manufacturing and large-scale trade remain minimal. The predominance of small-scale farming and artisanal fishing underscores the largely informal nature of economic pursuits, with most households engaged in producing food primarily for their own consumption rather than for commercial sale. These sectors have historically provided the main source of livelihood for the majority of Comorians, shaping both rural life and the broader economic landscape. Infrastructural deficiencies present a significant obstacle to economic development and integration within the Comoros. The country’s transportation networks, including roads, ports, and inter-island connections, are often inadequate and poorly maintained, limiting the efficient movement of goods and people. This infrastructural shortfall hampers domestic trade and restricts access to external markets, thereby constraining economic growth and diversification. The challenges in transportation infrastructure also impede the delivery of essential services and the expansion of tourism, which the government has identified as a potential growth sector. These limitations exacerbate the isolation of rural communities and reduce the overall competitiveness of the Comorian economy. Demographic trends further complicate the economic situation, as the Comoros has a young and rapidly growing population. This demographic pressure intensifies demand for employment opportunities, social services, and basic infrastructure, placing additional strain on the country’s already limited economic resources. The burgeoning youth population, while potentially a demographic dividend, currently faces significant barriers to productive employment due to the scarcity of formal jobs and the predominance of subsistence economic activities. The rapid population increase thus presents both challenges and opportunities, necessitating strategic policies to harness human capital while mitigating the risks of unemployment and poverty. The country’s natural resource endowment is notably sparse, which restricts its capacity for economic diversification and sustained growth. Unlike resource-rich nations, the Comoros lacks significant mineral deposits, fossil fuels, or other exploitable natural assets that could serve as a foundation for industrial development or export-led growth. This scarcity necessitates a heavy reliance on agriculture and fishing, sectors vulnerable to environmental fluctuations and limited in their capacity to generate substantial foreign exchange earnings. The absence of abundant natural resources compels the Comorian economy to depend heavily on external assistance and remittances to supplement domestic income. A critical factor contributing to the subsistence-level nature of economic activity is the relatively low educational attainment among the labor force. Limited access to quality education and vocational training has resulted in a workforce that often lacks the skills necessary for higher productivity or engagement in more diversified economic sectors. This educational deficit correlates with persistently high unemployment rates, particularly among youth, and reinforces dependence on foreign grants and technical assistance to support economic development initiatives. The government and international partners have recognized the importance of improving education and technical training as foundational steps toward breaking the cycle of poverty and underemployment. Economic indicators highlight the Comoros’ status as one of the world’s poorest and least developed nations. With an estimated gross domestic product (GDP) per capita income of approximately $700, the country ranks near the bottom in global income comparisons. This low income level reflects the limited industrial base, constrained export capacity, and widespread poverty affecting the majority of the population. The GDP per capita figure also underscores the challenges faced in raising living standards and achieving sustainable economic growth, given the structural limitations inherent in the Comorian economy. Agricultural potential varies significantly across the islands, influenced by geographic and soil conditions. Much of the land is characterized by widespread lava-encrusted soil formations, which are inherently unsuitable for productive farming. These volcanic soils, while sometimes fertile in certain areas, often present physical barriers to cultivation due to their hardness and poor water retention. Consequently, arable land is limited, restricting the scale and diversity of agricultural activities. This geographic constraint forces farmers to concentrate on a narrow range of crops and limits the overall output of the agricultural sector. Due to these environmental and infrastructural constraints, the majority of the population continues to depend heavily on subsistence agriculture and fishing as primary sources of livelihood. Smallholder farmers and fishermen typically produce just enough to meet their household needs, with little surplus for commercial sale or export. This economic pattern perpetuates low income levels and vulnerability to external shocks such as adverse weather conditions or fluctuations in fish stocks. The subsistence nature of these activities also limits opportunities for capital accumulation and investment in productivity-enhancing technologies. Income levels among workers remain low, as evidenced by average daily wages in 2007, which were approximately $3 to $4. Such wages reflect the predominance of informal, low-productivity employment and the scarcity of formal sector jobs offering higher remuneration. These income levels contribute to widespread poverty and constrain consumer spending, which in turn limits domestic market development and economic diversification. The low wage environment also affects the ability of households to invest in education, health, and other human capital improvements, perpetuating a cycle of economic stagnation. Agriculture, encompassing fishing, hunting, and forestry, constitutes the leading economic sector in the Comoros. This sector accounts for about 40% of the country’s GDP and employs approximately 80% of the labor force, underscoring its central role in both economic output and employment. The dominance of agriculture reflects the limited development of other sectors such as manufacturing and services. Within agriculture, fishing remains a vital activity, particularly for coastal communities, providing both food security and income. Forestry and hunting, while less prominent, contribute to subsistence needs and local economies. The agricultural sector also serves as the primary source of the Comoros’ exports, highlighting its importance in generating foreign exchange earnings. Key export commodities include spices such as vanilla, cloves, and ylang-ylang, which are cultivated on the islands and sold on international markets. These exports provide critical revenue streams for the country, although their volumes and values are subject to fluctuations due to global market conditions and climatic factors. The reliance on agricultural exports further emphasizes the vulnerability of the Comorian economy to external shocks and the need for diversification. Despite its agricultural base, the Comoros is not self-sufficient in food production. Rice, which constitutes the main staple food for the population, forms the bulk of the country’s food imports. This dependence on imported rice reflects limitations in domestic rice cultivation capacity, driven by land constraints, soil conditions, and climatic variability. The reliance on external food sources exposes the country to risks related to global price volatility and supply disruptions, which can have significant impacts on food security and economic stability. The government of the Comoros has articulated several development priorities aimed at addressing structural economic challenges and promoting sustainable growth. These priorities include upgrading education and technical training to enhance human capital and workforce skills. Efforts to privatize commercial and industrial enterprises seek to improve efficiency and attract investment, while improvements in health services aim to raise living standards and productivity. The government also focuses on diversifying exports beyond traditional agricultural products, promoting tourism as a potential growth sector, and implementing measures to reduce the high population growth rate, which exerts pressure on resources and services. Achieving the government’s target of 4% annual GDP growth is contingent upon continued foreign support and assistance. International aid, technical cooperation, and financial grants remain essential components of the country’s development strategy, providing resources necessary for infrastructure projects, social programs, and economic reforms. The reliance on external support reflects the limited domestic fiscal capacity and the structural constraints that inhibit autonomous economic expansion. Sustained engagement with development partners is therefore critical to realizing the government’s economic objectives. Remittances from the Comorian diaspora constitute a significant source of economic inflows, accounting for approximately 24% of the country’s GDP. These funds, sent by Comorians living abroad, provide vital financial resources for many households, supporting consumption, education, health care, and small-scale investments. Remittances also contribute to foreign exchange reserves and help stabilize the balance of payments. The importance of these transfers underscores the strong transnational connections maintained by Comorians and highlights the role of migration in the national economy. The economic trajectory of the Comoros has experienced notable fluctuations over recent decades. During the 1980s, the country’s GDP per capita grew by an estimated 55%, reflecting a period of economic expansion and relative improvement in living standards. This growth was driven in part by favorable agricultural conditions, increased export earnings, and some degree of economic liberalization. However, this positive trend was not sustained, and the 1990s witnessed a severe economic contraction, with GDP per capita shrinking by approximately 42%. This decline was attributable to a combination of internal political instability, adverse external economic conditions, and structural weaknesses within the economy. The contraction underscored the vulnerability of the Comorian economy and the urgent need for comprehensive reforms and development support.

During the colonial period, the economy of the Comoros was predominantly shaped by the establishment of plantations operated by French and local elites, who focused on cultivating cash crops intended primarily for export markets. French companies such as Société Bambao, Établissements Grimaldi, and Kalfane and Company played a dominant role in this economic landscape, exerting significant control over agricultural production and trade. In the post-colonial era, President Ahmed Abdallah’s enterprise, Établissements Abdallah et Fils, emerged as a key player, continuing the pattern of elite dominance in the plantation economy. These firms concentrated their efforts on the production and export of commodities such as vanilla, ylang-ylang, and cloves, which were highly valued in international markets. However, the economic benefits generated by these enterprises were unevenly distributed, with the majority of profits being repatriated overseas rather than reinvested locally. The dominant firms operating in the Comoros during and after the colonial period strategically limited their investments in the islands’ infrastructure, confining expenditures to what was strictly necessary for the management of plantations or to benefit their close associates. This approach resulted in minimal development of broader public infrastructure, such as transportation networks, education, or healthcare facilities, which could have supported a more diversified and resilient economy. Consequently, the food-crop agricultural sector stagnated, as resources and attention were diverted away from subsistence farming and local food production. This neglect contributed to a growing dependence on imported foodstuffs, particularly rice, which became a staple imported commodity to meet the population’s nutritional needs. The reliance on imports underscored the structural weaknesses in the Comorian economy, which was heavily oriented toward export crops at the expense of domestic food security. By 1993, the Comoros remained highly vulnerable to fluctuations in international commodity prices, particularly for its key export crops of vanilla, ylang-ylang, and cloves. The global market volatility for these products meant that the country’s export revenues were subject to significant uncertainty, which in turn affected government revenues and the broader economy. This vulnerability was compounded by the limited diversification of the economic base, which left the Comoros exposed to external shocks. The country’s economic fragility was further reflected in its status as one of the world’s poorest nations, with a per capita gross national product (GNP) estimated at only US$400 in 1994, following the January devaluation of the Comorian franc. This low GNP per capita highlighted the challenges faced by the Comoros in achieving sustainable economic development and improving living standards for its population. Throughout the 1980s, the Comorian economy experienced modest growth, with the gross national product expanding at an average annual real rate of 3.1%. Despite this overall economic growth, rapid population increase during the same period resulted in a decline in per capita GNP by an average of 0.6% annually. This demographic pressure effectively diluted the gains from economic expansion, making it difficult for improvements in income and living conditions to keep pace with the growing population. Real gross domestic product (GDP) growth rates fluctuated during the decade, with a relatively strong performance of 4.2% per year from 1980 to 1985, followed by a slowdown to 1.8% from 1985 to 1988, and further deceleration to 1.5% in 1990. These trends reflected both internal economic constraints and external factors influencing the Comoros’ economic trajectory. In 1991, the Comoros faced significant balance of payments difficulties, which prompted the country to qualify for the International Development Association’s (IDA) Special Program of Assistance targeted at debt-distressed sub-Saharan African countries. This designation acknowledged the Comoros’ precarious financial situation and opened avenues for concessional financing and debt relief aimed at stabilizing the economy. The Comoran economy was characterized primarily by private ownership, often involving foreign investors. Nationalization of enterprises was limited, even during the radical Soilih regime, which only expropriated a foreign oil company after the government of Madagascar had nationalized the same company’s plants. This cautious approach to nationalization reflected both ideological considerations and pragmatic concerns about maintaining foreign investment and economic stability. Under President Abdallah’s administration, the government undertook nationalization of key enterprises, including Société Bambao and the French-capitalized Comoran Meat Company (Société Comorienne des Viandes—Socovia), which specialized in meat and food sales. However, these nationalizations proved to be short-lived. By 1992, amid economic restructuring efforts, Socovia and other government-owned enterprises were either liquidated or privatized, signaling a shift back toward market-oriented policies. This reversal was part of broader economic reforms aimed at addressing fiscal imbalances and improving the efficiency of the economy, often under the guidance and pressure of international financial institutions. Following the 1978 rapprochement with France under the Abdallah regime, the Comoran economy became increasingly dependent on French aid and assistance from other governments and international organizations. This growing reliance on external support was critical in sustaining public finances and funding development projects, but it also underscored the country’s limited domestic resource base and economic vulnerabilities. By 1990, the Comoros’ total external public debt had reached US$162.4 million, which represented approximately 75% of its gross national product. This high debt burden posed significant challenges for fiscal management and constrained the government’s ability to finance development initiatives without external assistance. The government’s implementation of economic reforms was often delayed, including a structural adjustment plan negotiated with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and mandated by both the World Bank and IMF to be enacted by September 1992. The plan included stringent measures such as the dismissal of approximately 2,800 civil servants out of a total of 9,000, reflecting efforts to reduce the size of the public sector and improve fiscal discipline. Despite these requirements, the government hesitated to fully implement the reforms, contributing to ongoing economic difficulties and undermining confidence among international donors and investors. In March 1994, the IMF granted the Comoros a credit of US$1.9 million under the Structural Adjustment Facility, providing much-needed financial support to assist with the country’s adjustment program and balance of payments needs. For the period 1994–96, the Comoros set ambitious targets, aiming for a 4% economic growth rate and a 4% inflation rate for 1995–96. However, actual economic performance fell short of these goals, with growth in 1994 reaching only 0.7% and inflation escalating to 15%. These outcomes reflected persistent structural challenges, external shocks, and difficulties in implementing reforms effectively. International development assistance played a significant role in the Comoros during the early 1990s. In May 1993, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) provided a credit of US$2 million aimed at promoting private enterprise and reducing unemployment, signaling a focus on stimulating economic activity and job creation. Similarly, in January 1994, the European Development Fund (EDF) granted 1.3 million European Currency Units (ECUs) to support small business development, reflecting the importance of fostering entrepreneurship as a driver of economic growth. Additionally, the Comoros received 5.7 million French francs from the French Aid and Cooperation Fund dedicated to agriculture and rural development, highlighting ongoing efforts to improve the agricultural sector and rural livelihoods. The results of foreign aid initiatives were mixed. While funds were allocated to large infrastructure projects such as the expansion of the seaport at Moroni and the development of a new port at Mutsamuda on the island of Nzwani, neither project showed significant progress by early 1994. These delays underscored the challenges faced by the Comoros in translating financial assistance into tangible improvements in infrastructure. The islands struggled to develop local resources and the necessary infrastructure to support sustained economic development. Nonetheless, there were limited successes, including the establishment of national news media outlets and modest improvements in public health, education, and telecommunications, which contributed incrementally to social development. U.S. developmental assistance to the Comoros amounted to US$700,000 in fiscal year 1991, administered by the non-governmental organization CARE. This assistance focused on environmental and agricultural sustainability, including projects related to reforestation, soil conservation, and sustainable agriculture practices. Such initiatives aimed to address environmental degradation and promote long-term agricultural productivity, which were critical concerns given the islands’ limited arable land and vulnerability to ecological challenges. Since 1979, the Comoros has been an official member of the African Franc Zone, known as the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA). The CFA franc, the currency used by Comoros, has been pegged at parity to the French franc, providing a degree of monetary stability and facilitating trade and financial transactions within the franc zone. This arrangement has linked the Comorian economy closely to the French monetary system and influenced its monetary policy framework. The Union of Comoran Workers (Union des Travailleurs des Comores), a national labor organization headquartered in Moroni, has played an active role in the country’s socio-political landscape. The union frequently organized strikes and demonstrations in response to political crises, the implementation of IMF-mandated economic restructuring programs, and government failures to pay civil servants for extended periods. These labor actions reflected widespread dissatisfaction with economic conditions and government policies, highlighting the social tensions accompanying economic adjustment efforts. By 2009, mean wages in the Comoros were approximately US$0.80 per man-hour, indicating the low level of income earned by workers in the country. This wage level underscored the persistent challenges of poverty and limited economic opportunities faced by the Comorian workforce, even as the country continued to navigate structural economic reforms and development efforts.

Agriculture in the Comoros engaged more than 80 percent of the population, making it the dominant sector of the economy in terms of employment. This widespread involvement in agricultural activities underscored the sector’s critical role in sustaining livelihoods across the islands. Contributing approximately 40 percent to the gross domestic product (GDP), agriculture served not only as a foundation for domestic economic activity but also as the primary source of foreign exchange earnings for the country. The reliance on agricultural exports was pivotal in generating the foreign currency necessary for the nation’s balance of payments and overall economic stability. Beyond agriculture, the remainder of the Comoros’ GDP was composed of various services sectors, which included tourism, construction, and commercial activities. These sectors, while less dominant in terms of employment compared to agriculture, played an increasingly important role in diversifying the economy and providing alternative sources of income and development. Tourism, in particular, capitalized on the islands’ natural beauty and cultural heritage, while construction and commerce supported infrastructural growth and domestic market activities, respectively. Within the agricultural framework, plantations employed a significant portion of the population, particularly in the cultivation of the islands’ major cash crops. These plantations were often organized around export-oriented production, reflecting the Comoros’ strategic focus on generating foreign exchange through the sale of high-value agricultural commodities. The plantation system thus formed the backbone of the export economy, linking local labor and production to global markets. The major cash crops cultivated in the Comoros included vanilla, cloves, perfume essences, and copra. Each of these crops had distinct economic and cultural importance. Vanilla and cloves, both spices with high international demand, were cultivated extensively and formed the basis of the country’s spice exports. Perfume essences, particularly derived from indigenous plants, represented a unique niche product with strong global appeal. Copra, the dried kernel of coconuts used primarily for oil extraction, added to the diversity of export crops and contributed to the agricultural income base. Among these, the Comoros held the distinction of being the world’s leading producer of essence of ylang-ylang. This essential oil, extracted from the flowers of the Cananga odorata tree, was a key ingredient used in the manufacturing of perfumes worldwide. The global perfume industry’s reliance on Comorian ylang-ylang underscored the country’s specialized role in the international market for fragrance materials. The production of ylang-ylang essence not only generated significant export revenues but also established the Comoros as a critical supplier in the luxury goods supply chain. In addition to its prominence in ylang-ylang production, the Comoros ranked as the world’s second-largest producer of vanilla, trailing only Madagascar. This ranking highlighted the Comoros’ importance in the global vanilla market, a commodity known for its labor-intensive cultivation and high market value. The cultivation of vanilla required specific climatic and soil conditions, which the islands’ environment provided, enabling the Comoros to maintain a competitive position despite the dominance of its larger neighbor. The principal food crops grown in the Comoros were coconuts, bananas, and cassava. These crops formed the staple diet for much of the local population and were cultivated primarily for domestic consumption rather than export. Coconuts were used not only for food but also for copra production, while bananas and cassava served as essential sources of carbohydrates and nutrition. The cultivation of these foodstuffs was vital for food security and rural subsistence, supporting the dietary needs of the islands’ inhabitants. Despite the emphasis on local food crop production, foodstuffs accounted for 32 percent of the total imports into the Comoros. This significant reliance on imported food products indicated challenges in achieving full self-sufficiency in food production. Factors such as limited arable land, variable climatic conditions, and population growth contributed to the need to supplement domestic food supplies with imports. The high proportion of food imports underscored the vulnerability of the Comorian economy to external shocks and fluctuations in global food prices, highlighting the importance of agricultural development policies aimed at increasing local food production capacity.

In the early 1990s, agriculture formed the backbone of the Comoros economy, supporting approximately 80 percent of the population and accounting for nearly 95 percent of the country’s export earnings. This overwhelming dependence on agriculture underscored the sector’s critical role in both livelihoods and foreign exchange generation. The agricultural landscape of the Comoros was geographically and functionally divided into two principal zones, each characterized by distinct crop types and farming practices. The coastal area, extending from sea level up to an elevation of about 400 meters, was primarily dedicated to the cultivation of lucrative cash crops such as vanilla, ylang-ylang, and cloves. These crops thrived in the humid, tropical conditions found along the coastal plains and were vital for export revenues. In contrast, the highland regions, situated above 400 meters, were predominantly used for subsistence farming, focusing on food crops intended for domestic consumption. Key staples cultivated in these upland areas included cassava, bananas, rain-fed rice, and sweet potatoes, which formed the dietary foundation for much of the local population. Despite the extensive agricultural activity, food production per capita in the Comoros experienced a notable decline of about 12 percent between 1980 and 1987, as documented by the World Bank. This reduction in food output, occurring during a period of population growth, intensified the country’s reliance on food imports to meet domestic demand. The Comoros imported virtually all of its meat and vegetables during this time frame, highlighting a significant gap between local agricultural production and consumption needs. Rice, a staple food in the Comorian diet, was particularly critical; imports of rice alone at times accounted for as much as 30 percent of the total value of all imports, placing considerable strain on the country’s limited foreign exchange reserves and exacerbating trade imbalances. Among the cash crops, the Comoros held a unique position in the global market as the world’s leading producer of ylang-ylang essence. This fragrant oil was extracted from the flowers of the Cananga odorata tree, originally introduced to the islands from Indonesia. Ylang-ylang essence was highly prized in the international perfume and soap industries, valued for its distinctive sweet floral aroma. Notably, it served as a major ingredient in the formulation of Chanel No. 5, one of the world’s most famous and enduring perfumes. The prominence of ylang-ylang production underscored the Comoros’ niche specialization in high-value, aromatic exports. In addition to ylang-ylang, the country was recognized as the world’s second largest producer of vanilla, ranking just behind neighboring Madagascar. Vanilla cultivation was a significant contributor to export earnings, alongside cloves, which also represented an important cash crop within the Comorian agricultural portfolio. In 1991, the Comoros exported 237 tons of vanilla, with an average price of approximately 19 Comorian francs (CF) per kilogram. Clove exports were substantially higher in volume, totaling about 2,750 tons, and commanded an average price of roughly CF397 per kilogram. Ylang-ylang essence exports, though smaller in quantity at 43 tons, fetched a considerably higher price of approximately CF23,000 per kilogram, reflecting the concentrated value of the essential oil. These figures illustrated the economic significance of these three key commodities to the national economy. However, production levels of vanilla, cloves, and ylang-ylang were subject to considerable fluctuations, largely influenced by variations in global demand and the impact of natural disasters such as cyclones. These external shocks resulted in volatile government revenues, complicating fiscal planning and economic stability for the Comoros. To mitigate the adverse effects of export commodity price volatility, the Comoros benefited from the European Community’s Stabex (Stabilization of Export Earnings) system. This aid mechanism was designed to provide financial support to developing countries, including the Comoros, by compensating for fluctuations in export earnings caused by unstable commodity prices. The Stabex system played a crucial role in stabilizing the Comorian economy, which was heavily reliant on a narrow range of agricultural exports vulnerable to global market dynamics. Despite these efforts, the long-term market prospects for vanilla and ylang-ylang appeared weak in the early 1990s. The vanilla industry faced increasing competition from synthetic vanilla flavorings, which were gaining popularity due to lower costs and consistent quality. Similarly, shifting consumer preferences began to move away from the traditionally sweet fragrance of ylang-ylang, reducing demand in international markets. These trends signaled potential challenges for the Comoros in maintaining its export revenues from these crops. In contrast, clove production and revenues, while subject to fluctuations, did not encounter the same degree of market pressure during this period, allowing cloves to remain a relatively stable source of export income. Geographically, most vanilla cultivation was concentrated on the island of Njazidja (also known as Grande Comore), which offered suitable climatic and soil conditions for the crop. Meanwhile, the island of Nzwani (Anjouan) served as the primary source of ylang-ylang production, where the aromatic flowers were harvested and processed into essential oils. This spatial division of crop specialization reflected both environmental factors and historical agricultural practices within the archipelago. In response to the growing dependence on food imports, particularly rice, which significantly drained export earnings, numerous international rural development programs were initiated to promote agricultural self-sufficiency and reduce import reliance. Key organizations involved in these initiatives included the European Development Fund (EDF), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), the World Food Program, the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), and the governments of France and the United States. These agencies provided technical assistance, financial resources, and policy support aimed at improving agricultural productivity, diversifying crop production, and enhancing rural livelihoods. Despite the implementation of up to seventeen international rural development projects by 1984, food production per capita in the Comoros continued to decline throughout the 1980s. This persistent downward trend highlighted the complexity of agricultural challenges faced by the country, including limited arable land, soil degradation, and socio-economic constraints. Resistance to agricultural restructuring efforts was a significant obstacle, particularly from major clove and vanilla plantation owners who controlled fertile coastal lands and were reluctant to shift away from established cash crop systems. Additionally, rice-importing firms such as Établissements Abdallah et Fils, the largest importer in the country, opposed initiatives that threatened their commercial interests by promoting domestic rice production. The pressure exerted by cash crop plantations on land availability forced many food-crop farmers onto fragile mountain slopes in the highlands. This displacement led to widespread deforestation and soil erosion, as the steep terrain was ill-suited for intensive agriculture without proper conservation measures. The environmental degradation resulting from these practices further undermined agricultural productivity and sustainability. In response, international aid increasingly emphasized reforestation, soil restoration, and the adoption of environmentally sustainable cultivation methods. These efforts aimed to rehabilitate degraded lands, prevent further erosion, and promote agricultural practices that balanced economic needs with ecological preservation. By 1991, all United States agricultural aid to the Comoros, totaling US$700,000, was dedicated exclusively to environmentally sensitive agricultural projects. This focused assistance reflected a growing recognition of the importance of sustainable land management in securing the future viability of Comorian agriculture. In the same year, the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) provided a US$4 million loan to launch a small producers’ support program on the island of Nzwani. This program sought to empower local farmers through improved access to credit, technical training, and market opportunities, thereby enhancing their capacity to contribute to food security and economic development. The livestock sector in the Comoros remained relatively small in 1990, with an estimated population of approximately 47,000 cattle, 120,000 goats, 13,000 sheep, and 4,000 asses. Despite the presence of these animals, the country continued to import the majority of the meat consumed domestically, indicating that local livestock production was insufficient to meet demand. This shortfall underscored the limited scale and productivity of the livestock industry, which faced constraints such as limited grazing land, disease, and inadequate veterinary services. Consequently, the Comoros remained dependent on external sources for meat supplies, further contributing to the trade deficit and highlighting the need for development in this sector.

Since the late 1980s, the Comoros has made substantial strides in advancing its fisheries sector as a vital source of export revenue. This period marked a concerted effort by the Comoran government to harness the economic potential of its maritime resources, recognizing fishing as a promising avenue for foreign exchange earnings and rural development. Prior to these developments, the fisheries sector had remained largely underdeveloped, with limited infrastructure and investment hindering its capacity to contribute significantly to the national economy. The strategic initiatives undertaken during this time aimed to modernize fishing practices, improve regulatory frameworks, and foster international cooperation to expand access to lucrative markets. A pivotal moment in the expansion of the Comoran fisheries sector occurred in 1988 when the government entered into a three-year agreement with the European Community (EC). This accord permitted forty French and Spanish fishing vessels to operate within Comoran territorial waters, primarily targeting tuna stocks. The agreement reflected a broader trend of collaboration between developing coastal states and European fishing fleets, which sought to balance resource utilization with economic benefits for host countries. By allowing these foreign vessels to fish in its waters, the Comoros aimed to generate direct financial compensation while simultaneously gaining access to expertise and technology associated with industrial-scale fishing operations. Under the terms of the 1988 agreement, the Comoran government was to receive a total of 300,000 European Currency Units (ECU) as compensation for granting fishing rights to the EC fleets. This sum was intended to offset the economic value of the harvested tuna and support national development objectives. In addition to this primary compensation, an extra 50,000 ECU was specifically earmarked for fisheries research, underscoring the government’s recognition of the importance of scientific inquiry in managing and sustaining fish stocks. This allocation facilitated studies on tuna populations, migration patterns, and the broader marine ecosystem, providing a foundation for informed policy decisions and resource management strategies. The agreement also stipulated that fishing vessel operators pay a levy of 20 ECU per ton of tuna caught within Comoran waters. This catch-based fee structure was designed to ensure that the Comoros derived a direct financial benefit proportional to the volume of fish extracted by foreign fleets. By linking payments to actual catch quantities, the government sought to incentivize sustainable fishing practices and secure a steady stream of revenue that could support sectoral development. This mechanism also reflected an emerging international norm in fisheries agreements, where host countries negotiated compensation terms that reflected the economic value of their marine resources. The maritime domain under Comoran jurisdiction extends approximately 320 kilometers offshore, encompassing deep waters beyond the islands’ protective reefs. Although these deeper waters were not considered particularly rich in fish compared to more productive coastal zones, assessments estimated that they held the potential to yield up to 30,000 tons of fish annually. This figure highlighted a significant underexploited resource base, suggesting considerable room for growth in the fisheries sector if appropriate investments and management measures were implemented. The vastness of Comoran waters, coupled with the presence of commercially valuable species such as tuna, presented an opportunity to expand fishing activities beyond traditional artisanal practices. Despite this potential, the total fish catch recorded in 1990 amounted to only 5,500 tons, indicating a substantial underutilization of available marine resources. This disparity between estimated potential and actual harvest levels pointed to various constraints, including limited fishing capacity, inadequate infrastructure, and challenges in market access. The relatively low catch also reflected the nascent stage of sector development, where artisanal fisheries predominated and industrial-scale operations were just beginning to take hold. Addressing these limitations became a priority for policymakers seeking to enhance the contribution of fisheries to national income and food security. International assistance played a crucial role in supporting the growth of the Comoros fishing industry, with Japan emerging as a key contributor of aid. Japanese support encompassed technical assistance, capacity building, and the provision of equipment aimed at modernizing fishing techniques and improving processing facilities. This aid facilitated the transfer of knowledge and technology, enabling local fishers to increase their productivity and comply with international quality standards. Japan’s involvement reflected broader patterns of development cooperation in the Indian Ocean region, where donor countries sought to promote sustainable fisheries management and economic diversification. The development and management of the fisheries sector in the Comoros were entrusted to a specialized state agency known as the Development Company for Small-Scale Fisheries of the Comoros (Société de Développement de la Pêche Artisanale des Comores). This organization was responsible for overseeing the implementation of policies aimed at promoting artisanal fishing, enhancing resource sustainability, and improving the livelihoods of coastal communities. The agency coordinated efforts to provide training, facilitate access to credit and equipment, and support marketing initiatives. By focusing on small-scale fisheries, the agency sought to balance economic growth with social equity and environmental stewardship, recognizing the sector’s importance in rural employment and food supply. Through its activities, the Development Company played a central role in shaping the trajectory of the Comoran fisheries sector during a critical period of transformation.

In the year 2000, the total forested areas in the Comoros were estimated to cover approximately 8,000 hectares, which is equivalent to around 20,000 acres. This relatively modest expanse of forest land reflected the limited but ecologically significant woodland resources available across the archipelago. The forests of the Comoros were characterized by a diverse assemblage of flora, including numerous fruit tree species alongside various tropical hardwoods. These tree species not only contributed to the islands’ rich biodiversity but also served as vital economic resources for local communities, supporting subsistence needs as well as small-scale commercial activities. The composition of Comorian forests included species adapted to the tropical climate and volcanic soils of the islands, with fruit trees such as mango, breadfruit, and citrus playing an important role in both the natural ecosystem and local agriculture. Tropical hardwoods, prized for their durability and aesthetic qualities, were also present and formed the basis for timber production. The presence of these hardwood species underscored the ecological value of the forests, providing habitats for endemic wildlife and maintaining soil stability on the steep volcanic slopes. Timber production was a notable economic activity within the Comoros, particularly concentrated on the island of Grande Comore. This island contained about half of the nation’s remaining forested land, making it a focal point for forestry operations. The prominence of Grande Comore in timber extraction was linked to its relatively larger forest cover compared to the other islands, as well as its accessibility and infrastructure that facilitated the harvesting and transportation of wood products. Timber from Grande Comore was used locally for construction, fuelwood, and artisanal crafts, while some quantities were also traded within regional markets. By 2003, the production of roundwood in the Comoros reached a volume of approximately 9,000 cubic meters, equivalent to 300,000 cubic feet. This figure highlighted the scale of timber extraction during that period and reflected the ongoing demand for wood as a resource in the islands’ economy. Roundwood, which includes logs and other unprocessed wood materials, was primarily harvested to meet domestic needs such as building materials and fuel, given the limited industrial processing capacity within the country. The volume of production also indicated the pressures on the remaining forested areas, raising concerns about sustainable management and conservation of these critical natural resources. Overall, the forestry sector in the Comoros, while modest in scale compared to larger countries, played an important role in supporting livelihoods and maintaining ecological balance. The combination of fruit-bearing trees and tropical hardwoods contributed to both the biodiversity and economic potential of the islands, with timber production centered mainly on Grande Comore. The data from the early 2000s, including the forest area estimates and roundwood production volumes, provide insight into the state of Comorian forests and the challenges associated with their sustainable utilization.

Industrial activities in the Comoros accounted for approximately 5 percent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) in 1994, reflecting a relatively minimal contribution to the national economy. This modest industrial output underscored the limited development of manufacturing and processing sectors within the archipelago, where agriculture and fishing traditionally dominated economic activity. The small industrial base was largely concentrated on the processing of cash crops, which formed the backbone of the Comoran export economy. Specifically, the principal industries centered on the preparation of vanilla and the distillation of ylang-ylang into perfume essence, both of which were critical to the country’s export revenues and international trade relationships. The processing of these cash crops had historically been dominated by French companies, which controlled the majority of plantations and distillation facilities during the colonial and post-colonial periods. These French enterprises operated large-scale plantations that cultivated vanilla and ylang-ylang, leveraging their expertise and capital to produce high-quality export goods. However, over time, many of these companies began to close unprofitable plantations due to declining returns and increasing operational costs. As a result, the industrial landscape shifted when individual Comoran farmers took the initiative to establish numerous small-scale distilleries. While these locally owned distilleries increased the number of production sites, they were often characterized by inefficiencies and limited economies of scale, which constrained their overall productivity and competitiveness in global markets. Beyond the processing of cash crops, the Comoros also developed a modest handicraft industry aimed at export markets. Artisans produced a variety of traditional crafts that showcased the cultural heritage of the islands, contributing to both local livelihoods and the diversification of export products. These handicrafts included items made from natural materials such as wood, shells, and textiles, which appealed to niche markets abroad interested in authentic, handmade goods. The handicraft sector, while small, played a role in supplementing income for rural communities and preserving indigenous artisanal skills. Other industrial activities in the Comoros remained small-scale and were primarily oriented toward serving internal markets rather than export. These included sawmills that processed local timber for construction and furniture making, printing operations that supported local businesses and government needs, and carpentry workshops producing a range of wooden goods. Additionally, manufacturing extended to the production of shoes, plastics, yogurt, and various handicrafts, including jewelry associated with the grand marriage tradition—a significant cultural ceremony in Comoran society. The crafting of small fishing boats also represented an important local industry, supporting the vital fishing sector by providing necessary equipment for fishermen operating in the surrounding waters. The growth and development of industry in the Comoros faced significant structural obstacles rooted in the country’s geographic and economic conditions. The islands’ geographic isolation from major international markets imposed high transportation costs and logistical challenges that hindered efficient trade and supply chain management. Furthermore, the physical separation between the islands themselves complicated the movement of goods, labor, and raw materials within the country, fragmenting the domestic market and limiting economies of scale. The scarcity of raw materials further constrained industrial expansion, as many inputs had to be imported at considerable expense. In addition, the limited availability of skilled labor restricted the capacity of industries to adopt modern technologies and improve productivity. These factors combined to create a challenging environment for industrial growth, limiting the sector’s ability to contribute more substantially to the national economy. Energy production in the Comoros was reliant on a combination of hydropower, imported petroleum, and wood products, which collectively contributed to elevated electricity costs. Hydropower provided a renewable source of energy derived from the islands’ rivers and streams, but its capacity was limited by the small scale of the islands’ water resources. The importation of petroleum products was necessary to meet the demand for electricity generation and transportation fuels, but this reliance on imported fossil fuels exposed the country to price volatility and supply disruptions. Additionally, the use of wood products for energy, including charcoal and firewood, reflected the limited availability and affordability of modern energy sources. The high cost of electricity imposed a significant burden on industrial enterprises, increasing production expenses and reducing competitiveness. Throughout the 1980s, the value added in the industrial sector experienced a gradual decline, signaling ongoing challenges in industrial growth and development. This downward trend reflected the combined effects of structural inefficiencies, limited investment, and the adverse economic conditions that the Comoros faced during this period. The decline in industrial value added underscored the difficulties in expanding manufacturing capacity and improving productivity within a context of geographic isolation, resource constraints, and limited infrastructure. Despite the importance of cash crop processing and artisanal production, the industrial sector struggled to achieve sustained growth or diversification, maintaining its position as a minor component of the overall economy.

During Ahmed Abdallah’s regime, South African economic involvement in the Comoros had a pronounced impact on the development of the tourism sector, which emerged as the primary outcome of this engagement. This period witnessed concerted efforts by South African investors who, with the backing of both the South African and Comoran governments, undertook the construction and renovation of several hotels throughout the 1980s. These initiatives aimed to capitalize on the islands’ natural beauty and position the Comoros as a viable tourist destination within the Indian Ocean region. The collaboration between the two governments facilitated the mobilization of resources and expertise necessary for these infrastructure projects, reflecting a strategic economic partnership focused on tourism development. Despite these efforts, by late 1992, the Comoros had only one major resort fully operational: the Galawa Beach hotel, located on the island of Njazidja. This resort, boasting 182 rooms, represented the flagship accommodation facility within the archipelago and served as a focal point for tourism activities. Apart from Galawa Beach, the availability of hotel rooms across the Comoran islands was limited, with approximately 100 additional rooms distributed among smaller establishments. This relatively modest capacity underscored the nascent stage of the tourism industry in the Comoros and highlighted the challenges of scaling up infrastructure to meet potential demand. Several factors hindered the growth of tourism in the Comoros during this period. Political instability within the country created an uncertain environment that deterred investment and discouraged potential visitors. The waning interest of South African investors following the dismantling of the apartheid regime further diminished the momentum that had been built during the 1980s. This shift in South African policy and economic focus reduced the inflow of capital and expertise essential for sustaining tourism development. Additionally, the Comoros faced increased competition from other tropical destinations that had become more accessible and appealing to international tourists, such as Mauritius, Seychelles, and Madagascar. These competitors offered more developed infrastructure, greater political stability, and enhanced marketing efforts, making it difficult for the Comoros to attract and retain a significant share of the regional tourism market. The physical beauty of the Comoran islands, characterized by pristine beaches, volcanic landscapes, and rich biodiversity, was not sufficient to overcome the structural limitations of the tourism sector. One significant constraint was the necessity to import most construction materials and consumable supplies, which increased costs and complicated logistics. The islands’ geographic isolation and limited industrial base meant that essential goods had to be brought in from abroad, often resulting in delays and higher prices. This reliance on imports not only affected the construction and maintenance of tourism infrastructure but also influenced the operational costs of hotels and other service providers, thereby impacting the overall competitiveness of the Comoros as a tourist destination. Despite these challenges, tourism numbers in the Comoros experienced a notable increase between 1990 and 1991. Visitor arrivals rose from 7,627 in 1990 to 16,942 in 1991, a surge largely attributable to the reopening of the Galawa Beach resort, which had been closed during 1990. The resumption of operations at this key facility provided a renewed impetus for tourism, enabling the accommodation of a larger number of tourists and enhancing the islands’ appeal. This growth demonstrated the potential for tourism expansion when infrastructure was available and operational, although sustaining such growth required addressing the broader structural and political issues facing the sector. During this period, the majority of tourists visiting the Comoros were Europeans, with French nationals constituting the largest group. This demographic pattern reflected historical ties between the Comoros and France, as well as the relative proximity and accessibility of the islands to European travelers. French tourists were drawn by the cultural connections, language familiarity, and the allure of an exotic yet accessible destination. The predominance of European visitors underscored the importance of maintaining strong diplomatic and economic relations with European countries to support the tourism industry. However, the reliance on a narrow tourist base also highlighted the vulnerability of the sector to external shocks, such as changes in travel preferences or geopolitical developments affecting source markets. In summary, the development of tourism in the Comoros during the late 20th century was shaped by South African economic involvement, governmental collaboration, and the strategic focus on infrastructure projects such as the Galawa Beach resort. While these efforts yielded some growth in visitor numbers, the sector remained constrained by political instability, shifting investor interests, competitive pressures from other destinations, and logistical challenges related to imports. The predominance of European tourists, particularly from France, reflected historical and cultural linkages that influenced travel patterns. These factors collectively defined the trajectory of tourism in the Comoros during this era, illustrating both the opportunities and obstacles inherent in developing a sustainable tourism industry within a small island economy.

The Comoros has long faced significant challenges related to its infrastructure, which has hindered its economic development and integration both domestically and internationally. Many villages remain disconnected from the main road system, relying instead on rudimentary tracks that are often only navigable by four-wheel-drive vehicles. This limited accessibility restricts the movement of goods and people, particularly in rural areas, and complicates efforts to stimulate economic activity beyond the main urban centers. The underdeveloped road network contributes to higher transportation costs and delays, which in turn affect the distribution of agricultural products and other commodities essential to the local economy. Maritime infrastructure on the islands has also been historically inadequate. The ports across the Comoros archipelago are generally rudimentary, lacking the facilities necessary to handle large volumes of cargo or accommodate modern shipping vessels. However, efforts to improve maritime access have been made, most notably with the recent completion of a deepwater facility on the island of Anjouan. This development represents a critical step toward enhancing the islands’ connectivity with international shipping routes, as deepwater ports allow larger vessels to dock directly, reducing reliance on smaller boats for cargo transfer. Despite this advancement, the overall port infrastructure remains limited in capacity and technological sophistication. In the capital city of Moroni, located on the island of Grande Comore, the existing quays have undergone some improvements but still can only accommodate small vessels. This limitation significantly restricts the port’s ability to handle larger ships, which are essential for efficient import and export operations. As a result, long-distance, ocean-going ships are unable to dock directly at Moroni and must anchor offshore. Cargo is then transferred to the shore using smaller boats, a process known as lightering. This method is not only inefficient but also poses considerable risks, especially during the cyclone season when rough seas increase the danger of accidents. The hazardous nature of unloading during adverse weather conditions has led many shipping companies to avoid calling at the Comoros altogether, thereby exacerbating the islands’ logistical challenges and increasing costs for imported goods. The logistical difficulties associated with direct shipping to the Comoros have led to a reliance on transshipment hubs. Most freight destined for the islands is first shipped to larger, better-equipped ports such as Mombasa in Kenya or Réunion, a French overseas department in the Indian Ocean. From these hubs, cargo is then transferred to smaller vessels for final delivery to the Comoros. This indirect shipping route adds layers of complexity and expense to the supply chain, contributing to higher prices for imported goods and limiting the competitiveness of Comoran exports. The dependence on external ports for transshipment reflects the ongoing infrastructural constraints faced by the Comoros and underscores the need for continued investment in port facilities and maritime logistics. The financial infrastructure of the Comoros includes a banking system that has developed gradually over the past several decades. The Central Bank of the Comoros (Banque Centrale des Comores) was established in 1981 as the primary monetary authority responsible for regulating the banking sector and managing the country’s currency. The central bank operates three offices located in Moroni on Grande Comore, Mutsamudu on Anjouan, and Fomboni on Mohéli, ensuring a degree of geographic coverage across the main islands. The presence of the central bank in these key locations facilitates monetary policy implementation and financial oversight throughout the archipelago. Complementing the central bank, the Banque pour l’Industrie et le Commerce des Comores was founded in 1990 as a commercial bank aimed at supporting industrial and commercial activities within the country. By 1993, this bank had expanded to six branches, indicating a growing demand for banking services among the Comoran population and businesses. Notably, the Banque pour l’Industrie et le Commerce des Comores operated as a subsidiary of the Banque Nationale de Paris, reflecting foreign investment and international banking ties that contributed to the development of the local financial sector. This relationship provided the bank with access to broader financial expertise and capital, which was important for fostering economic growth. The Development Bank of the Comoros (Banque de Développement des Comores), established in 1982, plays a crucial role in financing small and midsize development projects across the islands. This institution is majority-owned by the Comoran government and the central bank, highlighting its status as a public development finance institution focused on promoting economic diversification and infrastructural improvements. The bank’s mission centers on providing financial support to sectors that are vital for the country’s long-term development, including agriculture, small-scale industry, and infrastructure projects. Its role is particularly important in a context where access to credit is limited and private sector financing is scarce. In addition to domestic ownership, the Development Bank of the Comoros has attracted minority shares from international financial institutions. The European Investment Bank, a major European Union financial institution, holds a stake in the bank, as does the Caisse Centrale de Coopération Économique, a French government development agency. These partnerships bring not only capital but also technical assistance and development expertise, which are essential for strengthening the bank’s capacity to support sustainable economic projects. The involvement of these international entities underscores the strategic importance of the Comoros within regional development frameworks and highlights ongoing efforts to integrate the country into broader economic networks. Beyond these primary institutions, the Comoros hosts several other banks that contribute to the financial landscape. The Federal Bank of Commerce (Banque Fédérale de Commerce) and the Exim Bank Comores Ltd. are among the additional banks operating within the country. These institutions provide a range of banking services, including commercial lending, trade finance, and retail banking, thereby supporting both individual consumers and businesses. Their presence enhances competition within the banking sector and offers more options for financial inclusion, which remains a challenge in many parts of the Comoros. All of the aforementioned banks maintain their headquarters in Moroni, the capital city of the Comoros. As the political and economic center of the country, Moroni serves as the hub for financial activities, regulatory oversight, and banking operations. The concentration of banking institutions in the capital reflects the centralization of economic functions and the relative underdevelopment of financial services infrastructure in other parts of the islands. This centralization poses challenges for extending banking services to more remote areas but also facilitates coordination among financial institutions and government agencies in the capital.

France has historically been the principal trading partner of the Comoros, playing a significant role in the country’s external economic relations. Despite this prominent position, French financial involvement has largely been limited to funding relatively small-scale projects within the Comoros, rather than extensive development programs or large infrastructural investments. This constrained engagement has influenced the overall economic landscape of the archipelago, as the country has continued to depend on external assistance for more substantial economic initiatives. The relationship between France and the Comoros reflects a post-colonial dynamic, wherein France maintains economic ties primarily through trade and modest financial support, rather than comprehensive economic integration or large-scale capital investment. In contrast to France’s role as a major trading partner, the United States has emerged as an increasingly important destination for Comoran exports. Although the volume of exports to the U.S. has grown, the country remains a relatively minor source of imports for the Comoros, accounting for less than 1% of the total import value. This asymmetry highlights the Comoros’ trade pattern, where the United States serves primarily as a market for specific Comoran products rather than a supplier of goods. The growing significance of the U.S. as an export destination indicates a diversification of the Comoros’ trade relationships beyond traditional European partners, reflecting broader trends in global trade and the search for new markets. The Comoros’ economic situation has been characterized by a heavy reliance on foreign aid, which has had profound implications for its trade and fiscal balances. Persistent trade deficits have been a notable feature of the Comoran economy, as the value of imports consistently exceeds that of exports. This imbalance has contributed to chronic budget deficits, complicating efforts to achieve fiscal stability and sustainable economic growth. The dependence on external financial assistance underscores the structural challenges faced by the Comoros, including limited domestic production capacity, narrow export bases, and vulnerability to external shocks. Foreign aid has thus been both a lifeline and a reflection of the underlying economic fragility. Data from 1992 illustrates the scale of the Comoros’ trade imbalance, with total exports valued at approximately US$21 million, while imports reached a substantially higher figure of US$50 million. This disparity underscores the country’s dependence on imported goods and the limited capacity of its export sector to generate foreign exchange earnings. The trade deficit evident in these figures reflects broader structural issues, including the narrow range of export commodities and the need to import essential goods for consumption and development. The gap between exports and imports has necessitated continued reliance on external financial resources to bridge the shortfall. Fiscal data from 1991 further highlights the economic challenges faced by the Comoros. That year, the government recorded receipts totaling about US$34.7 million, equivalent to CF9.7 trillion, while expenditures soared to approximately US$93.8 million, or CF26.2 trillion. This substantial gap between revenues and spending illustrates the severe budgetary pressures confronting the government, with expenditures nearly three times the level of receipts. The fiscal imbalance reflects both the limited revenue-generating capacity of the state and the high costs associated with public services, development projects, and debt servicing. Such a fiscal deficit posed significant challenges for economic management and policy formulation. To address the 1991 budget shortfall, which amounted to roughly 170% of government receipts, the Comorian authorities relied on a combination of international financial support and debt management strategies. The deficit was covered through international grants and loans, which provided essential external funding to maintain government operations and finance development activities. Additionally, the government utilized existing credit lines, drawing on previously established borrowing arrangements to access funds. Debt rescheduling also played a critical role, allowing the Comoros to restructure its existing obligations and ease immediate repayment pressures. These measures collectively helped to manage the fiscal crisis, although they also underscored the country’s vulnerability to external financial conditions and the need for sustainable fiscal reforms. In terms of export markets, France dominated as the primary destination for Comoran goods in 1991, receiving 55% of total exports. The United States followed as the second-largest market, accounting for 19% of exports, while Germany held a significant share at 16%. This distribution reflects the Comoros’ historical and economic ties with Europe, particularly France, as well as emerging trade relationships with other developed countries. The concentration of exports in a few key markets highlights the limited diversification of the Comorian export base and the importance of maintaining favorable trade relations with these countries. The reliance on a small number of export destinations also exposes the economy to risks associated with demand fluctuations in these markets. The Comoros’ export portfolio is dominated by a few primary products, notably vanilla, ylang-ylang, and cloves. These commodities form the backbone of the country’s export earnings and are integral to its agricultural sector. Vanilla is a highly valued spice with significant global demand, while ylang-ylang is prized for its essential oils used in perfumery and cosmetics. Cloves, another aromatic spice, also contribute to export revenues. The reliance on these traditional agricultural products reflects the Comoros’ comparative advantage in spice cultivation but also points to the vulnerability of the economy to price volatility and climatic factors affecting crop yields. Efforts to diversify exports and add value to these commodities have been ongoing challenges for the country. On the import side, the main suppliers to the Comoros in 1991 were France, which accounted for 56% of imports, followed by the Belgium-Luxembourg economic union with 11%, and Japan at 5%. This pattern indicates a strong dependence on European countries for essential goods and capital equipment, with Japan representing a significant Asian trading partner. The dominance of France as an import supplier aligns with its role as the principal trading partner and reflects historical ties and established trade routes. The presence of the Belgium-Luxembourg economic union and Japan illustrates the Comoros’ engagement with a broader range of international partners, although the overall import market remains concentrated among a few key countries. The composition of Comoran imports in 1991 primarily consisted of basic foodstuffs, including staples such as rice and meat, which are essential for domestic consumption. In addition to food imports, petroleum products formed a significant portion of the import bill, reflecting the country’s dependence on imported energy sources to meet transportation, electricity generation, and industrial needs. Construction materials were also important imports, supporting infrastructure development and maintenance activities. This import profile highlights the limited domestic production capacity for essential goods and the necessity of foreign procurement to sustain the population’s needs and economic development efforts. The Comoros is served by an international airport, Prince Said Ibrahim International Airport, located at Hahaya on the island of Grande Comore. This facility is the primary gateway for international air traffic, facilitating the movement of people and goods to and from the archipelago. The airport’s strategic location on Grande Comore, the largest island, enables it to function as the central hub for air transportation within the country. Its existence is vital for maintaining external trade links, supporting tourism, and enabling access to international markets and aid. The airport’s infrastructure and connectivity are crucial components of the Comoros’ external trade and economic integration. As a member of the franc zone, the Comoros benefits from a fixed exchange rate system, with the Comorian franc (KMF) pegged to the Euro at a rate of 491.9677 KMF to 1 Euro. This arrangement provides monetary stability and facilitates trade and financial transactions with other franc zone countries and the Eurozone. The fixed exchange rate helps to control inflation and exchange rate volatility, which are important considerations for a small, open economy like the Comoros. Membership in the franc zone also entails certain monetary policy constraints and reliance on the policies of the European Central Bank, but it offers the advantage of a stable currency environment conducive to trade and investment.